Social Insecurity among the Vulnerable Groups in Tanzania

1 Introduction


The Tanzanian government provides minimal welfare support to its citizens, leaving many without reliable means to address their well-being. This lack of full and effective governmental involvement in providing social welfare leaves people in disadvantaged areas vulnerable. As a result, they often rely on relatives, take out loans, beg, or seek assistance from charities. However, local non-governmental welfare organisations have stepped in to fill the gap, focusing on specific social issues and supporting individuals to address societal problems and reach their full potential. However, the work and contribution of local non-governmental welfare organisations towards social problem-solving is an under-researched topic. There is currently a limited understanding of how people who work in local non-governmental welfare organisations and people who use these organisations’ social services understand social problems, how they experience them, and what impact these organisations have on their experiences.
The emergence and involvement of local non-governmental social welfare organisations in social problem-solving occurs amidst a prevalence of social problems that affect citizens’ livelihood and wellbeing. Tanzania is currently witnessing a lot of changes. These changes include rapid urbanisation, industrialisation, and the movement of young adults from rural areas to cities. Additionally, globalisation impacts the labour market due to the high flow of goods from outside Tanzania, negatively impacting local businesses. Local businesses are being negatively impacted by the availability of cheaper goods, particularly in the food industry. This trend is making it increasingly challenging for homegrown products to remain sustainable. Mkenda (2005a:3) understood globalisation as ‘the process of increasing economic, political, social, and cultural integration, whereby influences beyond national boundaries have a crucial impact on constraining and influencing all aspects of national wellbeing.’ In Tanzania, this interaction manifests through an increased flow of goods, ideas, and services, raised capital, and the migration of people. This new economic model and a unique way of realising livelihood entices young adults to move away from farming activities. Migration to cities is not a straightforward process. These social and economic phenomena enormously impact family structures, changing how family support- networks function. During a crisis, people, in general, previously tended to rely on the extended family network for support in their attempt to secure some normality in life. Vulnerable people, such as people with health problems, older people, and orphans, were supposed to rely on the extended family network support model. However, this extended family network-support model is crumbling. This fast diminishing of the extended family supporting network model necessitates the development of other social structural support, including local non-governmental welfare organisations, to address the welfare concerns of the majority disadvantaged populations of Tanzania. This book underscores the importance of understanding the responsibilities and social activities that local organisations fulfil in response to social issues. It explores how they carry out their work and the impact they have on situations and individuals. This knowledge is crucial for recognising the significant and useful role these organisations play in Tanzanian society today.
The book discusses four socially significant issues: old age, gender, street children, and disability. While appealing to a broad audience, it delves into academic perspectives to clarify these social problems. Social science research has reflected and demonstrated numerous studies on social problems and welfare concerns, including the four areas discussed in the book. Chapter Two provides a detailed analysis of each of the aforementioned social problems.




2 Four social problems characterising contemporary Tanzania


This chapter discusses the four social issues that significantly impact the wellbeing of some citizens in contemporary Tanzania. The discussion follows the following order:
The challenges that affect older people’s welfare in rural areas.
The issues affecting street children’s wellbeing.
Gender inequality and discrimination and the impact of this on women’s wellbeing. Inequality and discrimination and their impact on the wellbeing of people with disabilities.


2.1 Problems Affecting Older People in Rural Areas

Growing old in rural Tanzanian environments remains a vulnerable state of affairs for many. Various studies have attempted to understand, explain, and perceive the issues behind the problems experienced by older people. Stark evidence indicates the existence of social problems in Tanzania. A study by HelpAge International (2002) in the Mwanza rural area found that older people’s issues included:
- Food shortages.
- Problems with drinking water.
- Inadequate clothing.
- Difficulty obtaining firewood.
- Lack of financial support to pay for health services. (HelpAge International, 2002).

Other issues mentioned were a lack of governmental assistance when medical attention is needed, a lack of local government support towards older people regarding food and housing, and concerns surrounding security among older people due to accusations of witchcraft (HelpAge Tanzania, 2002). others see the lack of wide application of social protection coverage scheme in Tanzania leaves the majority disadvantaged population at risk and, in some cases, irreversible risks. Lerisse et al. (2007) investigated the necessity of social protection and identified ‘Extremely Vulnerable Groups.’ Social groups including children and street children; persons with disabilities, unemployed youths; older people; people living with a long-term illness, such as people with HIV/AIDS; women and widows, people with substance abuse and alcoholics, are considered the most vulnerable social group in the Tanzanian society (Lerisse et al., 2007:8; Chitereka 2009) According to Lerisse et al. (2007:8), these highly vulnerable groups include individuals and households with high risks and a low capacity to cope. The vulnerability level varies from group to group due to differences in access to assets, whether social or capital and the physical capability necessary to mitigate the effects of impoverishing forces. (Lerisse et al, 2007). 
The tremendous impact of social problems on people’s well-being, especially the population in disadvantaged areas, including rural settings, is primarily caused by the Government’s apparent lack of general welfare provisions and other protection schemes that could enhance living reality and benefit vulnerable groups, including older people. Kitoka (2011) studied the dilemmas faced by the older population in Tanzania and discovered two aspects he considered the root causes of the problems. One aspect was a lack of general socio-economic protection covering all older people in the country. “Older people like those in the category of fishermen, herdsmen, and peasants do not belong to any existing formal social security schemes from which they can enjoy old-age benefits.” (Kitoka, 2011:4). Indeed, a more significant percentage of the elderly live in rural areas where the main economic activities are predominantly informal or subsistence farming. This group represents a substantial social deficit whose problems cannot simply be addressed through self-help calls (Kitoka, 2011). As other research has found, the existing social security and pension schemes in Tanzania provide some protection, but only to those who were or are still formally employed, most of whom are urban dwellers. 
The Tanzanian Government provides no general social welfare to its citizens, except for a small part of the population, mainly in urban settings, covered by a protection system and pension plan. Evidence shows that only around five per cent of the older generation benefit from a pension in Tanzania. The existing pension scheme, characterised as a pay-as-you-earn system, excludes most older people in rural areas who depend mainly on subsistence farming and small businesses, which may not always be reliable. Hence, most rely on informal and non-state-regulated social protection, mainly provided through family and community support structures (Stiglitz 2011:18, cited by Spitzer & Mabeyo, 2011). Research by Kitoka (2011:5) explained that “the rural elderly, most of whom have never had a formal job in their lifetime, are either left to depend on their children and close relatives or provide for themselves a basis of survival through some petty and income-generating activities. These activities include mat making, basket making, brewing local alcohol, selling baked items, to mention a few.” Indeed, petty income-generating activities help in the short term but not in the long term without other formal support, e.g., from the Government. Additionally, the lack of money circulation affects small businesses in rural areas, as few people can buy things.
The traditional family network support structure has historically played a significant role in shaping people’s lives. It was common for individuals from different generations to reside together under one roof. This system is predominantly the case in rural areas but also characterised urban communities to a small degree. This socio-cultural life practice reflects the Tanzania Ageing policy, which prioritises family as the primary institution of care and support for older people (The United Republic of Tanzania: National Ageing Policy, 2003a:2). However, in today’s Tanzania, dependence on children or close relatives as a reliable social protection system for older people is problematic. That traditional support structure is steadily diminishing, caused partly by the migration of young adults into cities and other places and, in doing so, leaving the rural lifestyle and their older family members alone. Kitoka (2011:5) observed, “the rural-urban migration is depriving the majority of the rural elderly, not just the social and economic support, but it also leaves them vulnerable to the vicissitudes in their livelihoods.” Other studies have observed this notable social change related to the care of older people in different communities within sub-Saharan Africa (Mwanyangala et al., 2010; Theron, 2013). 
For disadvantaged social groups, meeting their social welfare needs essential to their well-being is vital. Bruggencate et al. (2017:1745) wrote, “Social needs are important basic human needs. When social needs are not satisfied, this can lead to mental and physical health problems.” This observation is correct. Indeed, the chances for older people to stay physically and mentally healthy without the availability of ways to satisfy their social needs are slim in Tanzania’s rural areas. A lack of general social security provision is a reality in Tanzania. Rwegoshora (2014) stressed the need for the Government to provide social security to all, regardless of the social and economic status of the individual. Rwegoshora considered social security a basic human right and a fundamental means of social cohesion. A social security scheme is essential for workers’ well-being, in addition to that of their families and other community members.
Additionally, these schemes’ benefits to their beneficiaries are purely based on pay-as-you-go arrangements (Spitzer and Mabeyo, 2011). Contributions to the schemes are made as earnings allow them. The absence of any social protection coverage by the state and others that encompass a range of public actions addressing risk, vulnerability, and poverty leaves older people in precarious situations and susceptible to a host of dangers in rural settings (Spitzer and Mabeyo, 2011). There are numerous reasons why older people in rural areas do not have formal social security and are severely affected by problems. One explanation is that these people may not have had the chance and ability to contribute sufficiently to public or private social security provision schemes during their youth and adult lives. Indeed, other research has attributed the struggle of meeting older people’s social welfare needs in rural areas to the history of a life of poverty at a young age, citing this as a root cause of the difficulties a person experiences in old age. Mwanyangala et al., (2010:37) observed that:
“In Tanzania, many older people reach retirement age after a lifetime of poverty and deprivation, poor access to health care and poor diet. This situation can leave them with insufficient personal savings because of a fragile earning history.”
This quote raises a valid point that weak earning history in a person’s life plays a part in difficulties in old age. The economies of rural Tanzanian settings are predominantly subsistence agriculture, which provides little or no pension coverage and limited health care services. 
Older people’s means of living and livelihood depend on a good harvest and selling agricultural products such as maise, rice, beans, and sorghum. However, when the harvest is poor, securing a high earning and surplus income is complicated. Other factors, such as the amount of rain and the timing of the rainy season, contribute to a good or bad harvest and, therefore, a person’s income. It is no wonder that in these context settings, a person can reach old age with little or no savings at all in these settings. Tanzania’s social security schemes typically target public employment and are confined to urban areas. Efforts to encourage outside formal employment to secure social security for their lives are not apparent. Indeed, in the past, the total reliance on traditional family-network support structures has meant that the idea of contributing to social security schemes for the future might not have been deemed necessary. In the past, most people would see the possibility of living and maintaining their social well-being through their children and grandchildren. Reflecting on the existence and usage of the traditional support structure, Kibuga and Dianga (2000:30) wrote:
“In the past, older persons in Africa lived within an extended family system. This system ensured that they were supported as their strength decreased and that there would be numerous family members to take over the more arduous household tasks, such as fetching water, gathering firewood, and cultivating crops. If the older members fell ill, there would always be someone to look after them.”
As this quote indicates, the traditional support structure has served as a social security model that encompasses sources of livelihood and general social security for older people, especially in rural settings. Mesaki (2016) observed that populations, especially those in disadvantaged areas, are susceptible to poverty, sickness, and social exclusion. Indeed, the impacts of social problems on an individual’s lived experience and general societal conditions are severe, partly due to a lack of intervention from the Government (Spitzer and Mabeyo,2011; Spitzer, 2019).
Furthermore, new structures, such as formal social security systems, fail to compensate for this void left by the breaking up of traditional family structures to protect older people. The National Ageing Policy is the most recent policy for older adults. (The United Republic of Tanzania, Older People Policy 2003a:2) reads: 
“The Government realises that older people are a resource in the development of our nation. The existence of Tanzania as a nation is evidence of older people’s contribution in [the] political, economic, cultural and social arena.” (The National Ageing Policy, United Republic of Tanzania, 2003a:2) 
Despite this complimentary view of its senior citizens, the central Government still does not sufficiently intervene and address older people’s social welfare needs in rural areas. The extended family system practised by most African societies has been interrupted by the emergence of social factors. These factors include colonial rule intrusion in African communities, modernisation, urbanisation, and industrialisation. These social forces contribute to and weaken the family network of care for older people (HelpAge International, 2001; Oluwabamide, 2005; Oluwabamide et al., 2012). The idea that one day circumstances could change or socio-economic changes could alter social living reality among traditional African communities might not have been part of their thinking framework. The apparent declining phenomenon of conventional support structures in Tanzania and other parts of sub-Saharan has devastating consequences on older people’s experience. This reality means that many older people in rural communities are on their own, vulnerable, and unprotected (Mabeyo et al., 2014; Spitzer and Mabeyo, 2011).
Other studies associate the lack of support for older people with a change in attitudes by the younger generation. Kaseke (1998:51) explained that:
“Most young adults see things differently, assuming new modern cultural attitudes, values, interests, and priorities. Some children no longer feel obliged to support their parents, and this undermines their roles as a source of social protection in old age. Others still recognise their obligations but are constrained by the harsh economic climate. The difficult financial situation makes it difficult for them to extend adequate support to their parents. Overall, the assistance rendered is too little to make a difference in the lives of older people.” 
Kaseke’s perspective on the situation is that the new modern lifestyle young Africans adopt strains financial resources. Therefore, it becomes a challenge to balance meeting their immediate needs and the needs of their parents or grandparents who have remained in rural areas. 
Other studies saw HIV/AIDS and its effects as a significant factor affecting and altering family structures in traditional African societies. The loss of able young adults to HIV/AIDS has consequences for the patterns of care and support and the social fabric of the family, directly affecting the security of older people (Van Staden and Weich, 2007; Fernandez-Castilla, 2008). The AIDS pandemic has significantly eroded the principal financial and material support sources for older people (Tati, 2009). Indeed, many families have lost young family members to HIV/AIDS; consequently, older people are left to care for themselves, and others are left with the burden of caring for grandchildren.